The battle inside Niger’s ruling circle is not about security alone. It is about who controls the men, the missions and the money behind a military structure worth 1.8 billion FCFA every month.
Three men, three levers of power
At the heart of the dispute stands the Commandement des Forces de Protection et de Développement (CFPD), a specialised unit created to guard Niger’s strategic assets. Officially, the force exists to protect pipelines, mining sites, oil installations and key corridors. In practice, it has become the focal point of a struggle pitting General Salifou Mody, Minister of State for Defence, against General Abdourahamane Tiani, head of the CNSP, and Lamine Zeine, the former Prime Minister and Finance Minister.
Three levers are at stake: command over the troops assigned to strategic sites, the power to decide which infrastructure gets protected, and control over the financial flows tied to the operation.
The decree that started it all
On 9 May 2024, General Tiani signed decree No. 2024-309/P/CNSP/MDN, formally establishing the CFPD. The Ministry of Defence confirmed the creation of a structure tasked with securing strategic sites and corridors. The same year, the recruitment of 10,000 young Nigeriens boosted the ranks of the national armed forces. The project was presented as a security necessity, in step with the growing weight of the military apparatus.
Article 28: the money behind the mission
Article 28 of the decree sets a Prime Unique d’Astreinte (PUA) of at least 12,000 FCFA per man per day, with the companies benefiting from the protection required to contribute financially.
For a force of 5,000 men, the figures are stark:
- Per day: 5,000 men × 12,000 FCFA = 60 million FCFA
- Per month (30 days): 1.8 billion FCFA
- Per year: 21.9 billion FCFA
These amounts are not theoretical. They are reflected in contracts signed with companies, sums actually paid out and troops deployed. This financial reality sits at the very centre of the power struggle inside the regime.
Defence versus Finance
General Mody pushed hard for the CFPD to be implemented. General Tiani signed the decree under direct pressure from his Defence Minister. But after the signature, the CNSP chief ordered Finance Minister Lamine Zeine to freeze the financial provisions of the CFPD. The result: the structure was created but stripped of the means to operate. Mody’s project was hit by a direct political blockade.
The Mody-Zeine feud
Lamine Zeine became the central point of friction. His ministry deliberately blocked the budgetary translation of the military scheme.
By January 2026, Zeine held both the Prime Minister’s office and the Economy and Finance portfolio, while Mody served as Minister of State for Defence. Mody secured the removal of the Finance portfolio from Zeine, then forced his departure from the Prime Ministership. The conflict over the CFPD had destroyed trust between the pillars of the regime.
Mody takes the helm
The reshuffle at the top ran through Zeine’s exit. General Mody took charge of the government and imposed one condition: he would hold both the Prime Minister’s post and the Defence Ministry. In doing so, he concentrated political, military and administrative levers in his own hands.
Damolleydi: the second battlefield
Faced with the CFPD deadlock, the regime launched a general mobilisation drive called “Damolleydi” to rally volunteers and existing structures.
General Mody was appointed to head the committee overseeing the mobilisation, sidelining General Mohamed Toumba, the Interior Minister. Yet once at the helm of this strategic initiative, Mody deliberately slowed its implementation. The programme lost visibility, overtaken by autonomous local structures.
Locking down the state apparatus
The affair has tightened the state’s grip around three axes:
- Command: control over personnel assigned to strategic sites.
- Missions: deciding which infrastructure is protected and setting priorities.
- Money: control over contributing companies and management of the financial flows generated.
Article 28 of the decree governs this financial mechanism, worth 1.8 billion FCFA per month.
Who really wins
The 1.8 billion FCFA figure is the direct financial stake of the system. It confirms the political dimension of the CFPD, sitting at the crossroads of strategic resources, corporate contributions and the chain of command.
Beyond the rivalry between Tiani, Mody and Zeine, the winner of this confrontation will hold exclusive control over Niger’s men, missions and resources. Behind the personal quarrels lies a single prize: total mastery of the state apparatus.
