Question: Since the April 25 attacks, opponents of the transition regime argue it has been weakened, while supporters of the military leadership call for unity. Do you believe Assimi Goïta remains the president Mali needs?

Moussa Ag Acharatoumane: Absolutely. Assimi Goïta is still the president Mali requires. He continues to govern the country effectively. Despite the April 25 attacks, Mali stands strong as a functioning state. Our defense and security forces have repelled these terrorist actions, even amid internal and external complicities. Today, our army is more united than ever, with leadership and troops demonstrating high morale. Operations are ongoing across the entire territory.

Attacks by armed groups persist, Bamako faces a blockade, yet the regime remains resilient and ready to confront the threat.

The regime is solid, and I would go further: it is the Malian people themselves who are resilient today. Malians love their army, their government, and their country.

What is your assessment of the alliance between Jnim jihadists and FLA separatists on the ground?

Everyone knows what al-Qaïda represents. Those who chose to ally with this group have not learned from the lessons of 2012. Back then, a similar attempt occurred, and the consequences were witnessed globally. Some of our brothers unfortunately never distanced themselves from al-Qaïda’s network, while others have suffered greatly at its hands, including some of its early leaders whose families were decimated by al-Qaïda. The same al-Qaïda is behind the assassination of journalists Ghislain Dupont and Claude Verlon in Kidal in 2013—a crime claimed by al-Qaïda in the Islamic Maghreb, whose ringleader, Seidane Ag Hitta, is now a key leader within Jnim.

This alliance is a grave mistake. Our brothers must recognize the colossal error they are making and reverse course. They should follow the example of the MSA and Gatia, two politico-military groups allied with the transition authorities, which joined the Malian army to combat international terrorism.

FLA leaders claim this is merely a military alliance against a common enemy—the Malian army and Africa Corps—and that there is no broader shared agenda.

When al-Qaïda’s official international organ acknowledges its alliance with the FLA, when Iyad Ag Ghali (Jnim’s leader) personally coordinates operations in Kidal alongside Alghabass Ag Intallah (an FLA leader), when their forces parade through Kidal’s streets under black flags emblazoned with their extremist symbols, it is clear our brothers are mistaken. They fell victim to these same groups in 2012, and the same actors are at work in 2026.

Jnim and the FLA now control Kidal and Tessalit, while the Malian army and Russia’s Africa Corps hold positions in Aguelhoc and Anéfis. Can we expect a counteroffensive by national forces in the Kidal region?

The defense and security forces are reorganizing and remain active in the Kidal region. They are determined to conduct operations across the entire country and will not cede an inch of territory to terrorist organizations.

General El Hadj Ag Gamou, appointed governor of Kidal by the transition authorities in 2023 and someone you know well—is he currently in Gao? Could he participate in a counteroffensive to retake Kidal?

General El Hadj Ag Gamou is doing very well, and I can reassure everyone on that point. He is in high spirits, grounded, and leading with dignity. He serves as governor of the Kidal region, while the army handles offensives, reorganization, redeployment, and operations. His role is to govern, and he is fulfilling it admirably.

In your region of Ménaka, the Malian army and Russia’s Africa Corps recently repelled Islamic State offensives in late April. How is the situation in the city now?

Currently, the situation is under control. Administration has resumed its functions, normal life has returned, and the defense forces along with their partners conduct regular patrols. That said, the threat remains very real. We must not be complacent—we are at war with one of the world’s most dangerous terrorist organizations, so vigilance is essential. For now, Ménaka is relatively calm.

Dialogue and negotiation with Jnim and the FLA are advocated by some opponents of the current regime, such as the Coalition of Forces for the Republic led by Imam Dicko. However, this has been a recommendation of national consultations for over a decade, including those held during the transition. The current authorities categorically refuse this approach. Are you in favor of such negotiations?

There is no room for dialogue with groups whose sole objective is the destruction of our country. The Malian state’s duty is to protect its people and its territorial integrity. Under the current circumstances, there is nothing to negotiate with these groups unless they fundamentally change their objectives and ideologies. They are Malians—if they return to reason, there is a place for everyone, but not under these conditions.