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Burkina Faso’s grim reality: a human rights report exposes official narratives

At 36, Captain Ibrahim Traoré, adorned with newly minted captain’s insignia, presides over a presidential palace acquired through means other than electoral victory—elections he himself abolished. This convenient arrangement bypasses the need to deceive voters, allowing for direct misdirection to journalists instead.

From the opulent Koulouba palace, Captain Traoré recently held court for two hours with six assembled journalists, delivering a curated message of national triumph. He painted a picture of a revitalized Burkina Faso: military forces reclaiming lost territories, a booming industrial sector, burgeoning gold reserves, expanding infrastructure, and an unprecedented era of freedom for Burkinabè citizens. The narrative was almost complete, needing only a stirring soundtrack and a flag waving proudly in the background.

The inconvenient truth emerges

However, as Traoré savored his monologue, Human Rights Watch (HRW) released a devastating 351-page report titled “No One Will Escape.” This comprehensive document, compiled from testimonies, satellite imagery, and death lists, meticulously details the grim reality. Over two and a half years, 1,837 civilians were killed, with responsibility attributed to the national army, the VDP militias, and JNIM jihadists. While all groups contributed to the violence, the report highlights a disturbing pattern: state-affiliated actors engaged in systematic killings, often with drone surveillance and explicit orders from higher command.

The HRW investigation uncovered pervasive war crimes and crimes against humanity, including the ethnic targeting of the Fulani community. Disturbing incidents include the summary execution of 223 civilians, among them 56 children, in Nondin in February 2024. Hundreds more perished in Baraboulé in December 2023, and approximately 130 Fulani were massacred near Solenzo in March 2025. The evidence includes mass graves and survivor accounts, bolstered by irrefutable satellite imagery. Despite the overwhelming evidence, the implication from official circles often suggests a ‘Western conspiracy’.

‘Recaptured’ towns built on civilian graves

Ironically, Traoré proudly cited the same towns mentioned in the HRW report, such as Baraboulé and Pétégoli, as examples of successful military recaptures. Yet, HRW’s findings reveal a different story: these areas were sites of ‘Operation Tchéfari 2’—translated as ‘The Warriors’ Honey’ in Fulfulde, a grimly poetic name for massacres. The army reportedly killed hundreds of civilians across 16 villages during this operation. While state television hailed it as a ‘success,’ survivors recount it as a slaughterhouse—a stark divergence in perspective.

Traoré attempted to explain away the killings by claiming they were perpetrated by terrorists disguised in military uniforms, who then filmed their own atrocities. This explanation strains credulity, suggesting a level of sophistication—coordinating military drones and multiple battalions—that seems incongruous for individuals whom Traoré dismisses as merely ‘reading the Quran in the bush.’

The unmentionable: targeting the Fulani

Throughout his two-hour interview, the word ‘Fulani’ was conspicuously absent—not once uttered. This omission is profoundly significant, akin to recounting World War II without ever mentioning the Jewish people: technically possible, yet morally reprehensible.

HRW’s report meticulously documents the systematic targeting of the Fulani community, who constitute 8% of Burkina Faso’s population. They are collectively accused of terrorism, leading to village-by-village massacres and the displacement of hundreds of thousands. The report even quotes Traoré himself, addressing Fulani leaders in February 2023: ‘There will be many dead. And it will be more complicated for your community.’ His presidential guard chief was reportedly even more direct, stating, ‘We will kill them all.’ Despite this, the official line maintains that there is no ‘Fulani problem’ in Burkina Faso, only a ‘problem of Fulani.’

Freedom of expression: a cruel joke

Traoré asserted that Burkinabè citizens enjoy ‘much more freedom’ than their European counterparts. The reality, however, is a chilling freedom to disappear. Journalists have been abducted and forcibly conscripted into militias. Independent media outlets have been shut down, human rights websites blocked, and the electoral commission abolished. The death penalty has also been reinstated.

Adding to this oppressive environment, pro-junta troll networks—known as the ‘BIR-C’ (Rapid Communication Intervention Battalions)—saturate social media with propaganda and deepfakes, glorifying Captain Traoré. The scale and audacity of this digital manipulation make even Kim Jong-un’s propaganda efforts appear rudimentary by comparison.

Justice, selectively applied

HRW has called for Traoré to be investigated for command responsibility, naming six generals. Yet, none have faced trial. The junta’s decision to withdraw from the International Criminal Court (ICC) speaks volumes; it is a common tactic for those with much to conceal to evade international scrutiny.

Meanwhile, Traoré publicly humiliates corrupt traffic officers caught pocketing 500 CFA francs, framing it as a national scandal. In stark contrast, the massacre of hundreds of civilians by the army is dismissed as ‘terrorist perfidy.’ These actions clearly delineate the junta’s distorted priorities regarding justice and accountability.

Blaming the West: a convenient shield

Any criticism is swiftly dismissed as external interference. A European Parliament resolution? Interference. The French army chief? Advised to ‘mind his own business.’ NGOs? Manipulators. Media? Liars. The internet? Fake. Territorial maps? Fake. The 351-page HRW report, based on 450 interviews? Also fake. In this narrative, everything is fake except Traoré himself.

While the postcolonial grievance against France’s historical plunder of Africa is a legitimate concern, using this historical fact as an impenetrable shield against criticism, particularly while massacring one’s own population, is a dangerous path reminiscent of Mugabe’s rule on fast-forward. Anti-imperialism does not grant a license to kill.

In a recent statement, Traoré encouraged Burkinabè citizens to ‘have children’ because ‘the land is rich.’ A chilling truth indeed, given the many people being buried within it.