The 2024 presidential election in Sénégal marked a turning point in the country’s political history, with Bassirou Diomaye Faye’s victory symbolizing a revitalized citizen power. Yet, two years into his mandate, the gap between democratic aspirations and institutional realities has become evident. The abandonment of direct citizen access to the Constitutional Court—despite its inclusion in the 2024 National Dialogue recommendations—highlights a persistent institutional bottleneck that risks undermining the very foundations of democratic renewal.
what does citizen power mean in Sénégal?
Citizen power in Sénégal is not merely about casting a vote every five years. It encompasses a complex interplay of historical, ethical, and institutional dimensions that shape how individuals engage with governance. This concept draws from three key sources: contemporary political philosophy (Pierre Rosanvallon, Cynthia Fleury, Achille Mbembe), Senegalese legal frameworks (including the 2001 Constitution and decentralization laws), and pre-colonial West African traditions such as the jom, kersa, and penc deliberative assemblies.
The first dimension is rooted in the idea of counter-democracy, as theorized by Rosanvallon. This refers to the vigilant, veto-bearing, and judgmental roles citizens play beyond the electoral process—through oversight, protest, and judicial scrutiny. These practices are essential for holding leaders accountable but can also fuel systemic distrust if unchannelled into stable institutions.
The second dimension is ethical, anchored in Senegalese cultural values. The jom (sense of honor), kersa (dignity and restraint), and teranga (hospitality and solidarity) are not just social norms but active principles that guide civic behavior. These virtues, often overlooked in formal governance discussions, provide the moral scaffolding for a functional democracy.
The third dimension is institutional. Senegal’s legal system, particularly the 2001 Constitution, guarantees fundamental rights but lacks mechanisms for direct citizen oversight. The absence of a constitutional complaint system—whereby ordinary citizens could challenge violations of their rights—perpetuates a top-down approach to justice, leaving citizens dependent on political intermediaries.
the crisis of democratic vigilance
The period from 2021 to 2024 exemplified the strengths and weaknesses of citizen power in Sénégal. Mass protests against electoral delays, the release of political prisoners, and the eventual election of Bassirou Diomaye Faye demonstrated the vitality of grassroots mobilization. However, this energy has not yet been institutionalized. The failure to adopt direct citizen access to the Constitutional Court—despite its inclusion in the National Dialogue’s recommendations—signals a disconnect between democratic aspirations and their formalization.
Cynthia Fleury’s analysis of resentment as a corrosive force in democracy is particularly relevant here. In Sénégal, widespread youth unemployment, perceived elite corruption, and a sense of historical grievance have fueled a deep-seated disillusionment. Without institutional outlets for this frustration, resentment risks hardening into cynicism, eroding trust in governance and undermining the very institutions citizens fought to strengthen.
bridging tradition and modernity
A refoundation of citizen power in Sénégal requires more than legal reforms—it demands an ethical and cultural renewal. The penc, or deliberative assembly under the village baobab, offers a model of inclusive decision-making that prioritizes consensus over confrontation. Integrating such traditional practices into local governance could revitalize democracy at the municipal level, where citizen engagement is most immediate and impactful.
Similarly, the values of jom and ngor (integrity and keeping one’s word) must be reclaimed as active principles in public life. These virtues are not relics of the past but living resources that can guide ethical conduct in politics, media, and civil society. Their erosion—manifested in political opportunism, corruption, and divisive rhetoric—undermines the moral foundations of democracy.
seven pathways to democratic renewal
- Direct constitutional access: Allow citizens to file constitutional complaints directly with the Constitutional Court, bypassing the need for political intermediaries. This would institutionalize the people-as-judge role, empowering citizens to hold the state accountable.
- Legal recognition of traditional assemblies: Formalize the role of penc and other deliberative spaces in local governance, ensuring their input is required for decisions on urban planning, resource management, and social programs.
- Civic education reform: Integrate ethical virtues like jom, kersa, and teranga into school curricula, alongside lessons on constitutional rights and democratic institutions. This would cultivate a generation of citizens who see themselves as moral actors in the public sphere.
- Strengthening oversight bodies: Ensure the independence of institutions like the Court of Auditors and the National Anti-Corruption Office by guaranteeing their autonomy, adequate funding, and direct citizen complaint mechanisms.
- Institutionalizing national dialogues: Create a public charter for national dialogues, requiring transparency in how recommendations are adopted or rejected. This would prevent these processes from becoming mere window dressing for predetermined policies.
- Politics of recognition: Address the emotional and symbolic dimensions of governance by acknowledging historical injustices, celebrating citizen contributions, and fostering a culture of dignity. This could include a truth and reconciliation commission inspired by Senegalese traditions of jubbanti (reconciliation).
- Revitalizing decentralization: Implement participatory budgeting and citizen audits at the local level, giving communities a direct stake in governance. Tools like these, adapted from international models, could be tailored to Senegal’s deliberative culture.
lessons from africa and beyond
Sénégal is not alone in grappling with these challenges. South Africa’s post-apartheid Constitution includes direct citizen access to the Constitutional Court, while Tunisia’s 2014 Constitution—though later suspended—showed how inclusive deliberation could produce robust democratic frameworks. Comparisons reveal a common lesson: democratic renewal is fragile without continuous citizen vigilance and institutional responsiveness.
Yet, Sénégal also has unique resources to draw upon. The ethical vocabulary of jom and kersa offers a language of civic responsibility that resonates deeply with Senegalese society. By integrating these traditions with modern governance tools, the country can pioneer a model of democracy that is both rooted in its culture and responsive to its citizens’ needs.
the road ahead
The 2024 election was a victory for citizen power, but its sustainability depends on institutionalizing the energy and values that brought it to life. The next steps—adopting direct constitutional access, recognizing traditional deliberative spaces, and reforming civic education—are not just policy choices but acts of cultural renewal. They require a commitment to bridging the gap between democratic ideals and lived realities, ensuring that the citizen is not just a voter but a co-creator of the nation’s future.
The challenge is immense, but so is the opportunity. Sénégal stands at a crossroads where it can either consolidate its democratic gains or risk losing them to cynicism and institutional inertia. The choice will define not just the country’s political trajectory but the very meaning of citizen power in the 21st century.
