The Senegalese political landscape frequently witnesses intense power struggles, whether among members of the same party or between distinct political factions. As the adage goes, in politics, there are no permanent enemies or friends, only permanent interests. This timeless principle perfectly encapsulates the current situation at the highest echelons of Senegal’s executive branch.
The once-unified Sonko-Diomaye duo, comprising Senegalese President Bassirou Diomaye Faye and his Prime Minister Ousmane Sonko, who initially spoke with one voice, is now grappling with significant internal disagreements. These mounting tensions culminated on May 22 with the President’s announcement of the Prime Minister’s dismissal and the dissolution of the entire government.
While a political gathering on November 8, 2025, hinted at nascent fraternal divisions, an interview on May 2, 2026, removed all doubt. President Faye himself openly acknowledged disagreements with his Prime Minister, specifically criticizing the “excessive personalization” of power around Sonko.
The emergence of Les Patriotes africains du Sénégal pour le travail, l’éthique et la fraternité (PASTEF), now the ruling party, has profoundly reshaped the Senegalese political system. Between 2021 and 2024, amidst considerable political instability, this anti-establishment party successfully disrupted Senegal’s traditional socio-political order, leading to significant recompositions.
The illusion of an indivisible symbolic capital at Senegal’s executive summit
This unprecedented political partnership solidified when Sonko, after his own candidacy was invalidated, chose Diomaye to represent their movement. Initially, their dynamic was one of political complementarity: one managed the state apparatus, while the other provided strong political legitimacy during the initial months of their administration.
However, PASTEF’s major political rally on November 8, 2025, laid bare the limitations of this shared, two-headed illusion championed by Sonko. “The post-November 8 era,” as Sonko himself described it, marked a critical juncture for the ongoing institutional partnership between the President and him. Their relationship is currently deadlocked, plagued by disagreements. These include disputes over the selection of the ruling coalition’s coordinator, differing visions for governance, and divergent preferences for political allies.
Consequently, the once-unifying slogan “Sonko mooy Diomaye” (Sonko is Diomaye, in Wolof), a survival strategy for PASTEF against the former President Macky Sall’s regime, has begun to wane. In its place, slogans like “Sonko est Sonko” or “Ousmane est Sonko” have emerged. This evolution underscores a visible and almost acknowledged duality, where roles are being redefined and ambitions asserted, signaling the end of their proclaimed unity.
“Diomaye is no longer Sonko. Sonko is no longer Diomaye.” Yet, from the perspective of symbolic domination and reproduction theory, which allowed Sonko to leverage “proxy capital,” their symbolic merger had forged a unique “partisan habitus.” This meant that the “homopastefien” and sympathizers of “The Project” perceived not two distinct representatives, but a single, indivisible political force.
This duality at the executive’s apex represents the natural culmination of their initial “complementarity” upon entering the political field. Senegal’s presidential political system inherently demands a clear distinction, where the President’s authority is not shared. The prerogatives of the President of the Republic and the Prime Minister are constitutionally defined, transforming their initial fusion into a “soft rivalry.”
President Faye often adopts a reserved posture, acting as the guarantor of institutions, while Sonko maintains his role as a mobilizer and agent of change. This aligns with the idea that institutional roles dictate an individual’s actions, language, and demeanor. The presidential function imposes a “sovereign” habitus, which naturally distinguishes itself from the Prime Minister’s “party leader” habitus. This distinction, adhering to an ethical separation between the functions of head of state and party leader, led President Faye to resign from his position as Secretary-General and all leadership bodies within the PASTEF party.
Furthermore, a real yet subtle boundary exists between the President and his Prime Minister: the transition from “Diomaye is Sonko” street communication to institutional communication, where the President’s image takes precedence according to protocol. Where Sonko propelled Diomaye to power, the latter now wields discretionary authority, including the power of appointment, thereby creating a political bipolarization between “pro-Diomaye” and “pro-Sonko” factions.
The limits of this executive duality
In physics, fluid mechanics illustrate that when two bodies of different masses share an enclosure, the one with greater mass compresses the other. Applying this metaphor to President Faye and Ousmane Sonko suggests that power is not static, much like human nature. Through an upward flow of influence, derived from his charisma and party control, Ousmane Sonko provides popular legitimacy to Bassirou Diomaye Faye. Conversely, through a downward flow of influence, President Faye, via his state decrees and decisions, actualizes the aspirations of “The Project” by embedding them into Senegalese positive law. Thus, if Sonko’s influence becomes too pervasive, it encroaches upon Diomaye’s institutional territory.
At such a point, the President might appear to be under tutelage. Conversely, if Diomaye isolates himself too much, he risks losing the vital vein of legitimacy that Sonko embodies. They exist within a system of mutual dependence and potential self-destruction. Power oscillates between the presidential office and the Prime Minister’s residence, sustaining this “soft rivalry.”
By mimicking each other’s desires, they become antagonistic doubles. The more they resemble one another, the deeper their divergence becomes, as each sees the mirror of their own ambition in the other. Both individuals covet the same objectives: power, the presidency, and leadership. Sonko aspires to hold executive power; Diomaye seeks to consolidate his position.
The unfolding events at the pinnacle of power serve as a stark reminder that in politics, a “gentlemen’s agreement” often remains a myth for idealists. It is the relentless resurgence of the “number two syndrome.” The presumptive successor, initially loyal and competent, climbs the ranks only to turn against his leader when the latter commands all the attention.
Meanwhile, the dominant figure, driven by a desire to secure future electoral victories, transforms a loyal ally into an adversary due to mistrust. This dynamic fosters a form of reciprocal paranoia, portending a period of social and political turbulence for Senegal.
