Niger and ECOWAS: navigating the path to diplomatic rapprochement
25 juillet 2026On July 30, 2023, just four days after the coup d’état against President Mohamed Bazoum, ECOWAS issued a clear demand: the CNSP must reinstate the ousted president. The regional body swiftly announced sanctions and warned of potential military intervention.
The following day, Mali and Burkina Faso, both under military rule themselves, interpreted ECOWAS’s ultimatum as a declaration of war. This immediate solidarity made it evident that Niger’s relationship with ECOWAS could not be viewed in isolation from its two Sahelian neighbors.
These three nations later solidified their bond by forming the Alliance of Sahel States (AES), a tangible step towards disengaging from the sub-regional organization. While their formal withdrawal from ECOWAS became official at the end of January 2025, lines of communication between the two blocs surprisingly remain open.
Lansana Kouyaté steps in as mediator
According to Pape Ibrahima Kane, an expert in international organizations, the AES countries have accepted the appointment of former Guinean Prime Minister Lansana Kouyaté as ECOWAS’s chief negotiator with the Alliance. This development signals a potential shift in the dynamic of Niger ECOWAS diplomacy.
“At the recent ECOWAS meeting held on Saturday, July 18, 2026, in Freetown, the organization instructed its new Commission President, Birame Diop of Senegal, to prioritize discussions around regional security issues,” Kane explained.
He added, “We are at the outset of a very promising process because both parties are genuinely aligned on the need to engage in dialogue.”
Kane further highlighted Niger’s unique situation, noting its reliance on Nigeria and Bénin – both ECOWAS members – for electricity supply and access to the port of Cotonou. He believes Lansana Kouyaté will carefully consider these specific dependencies, both for Niger and the broader AES, in his negotiations with ECOWAS.
Romuald Wadagni’s diplomatic overtures
Further encouraging signs for continued dialogue include the appointment of Bassirou Diomaye Faye as the current President of ECOWAS. He had already visited the AES countries in May 2024, shortly after his election. Additionally, the ascension of Romuald Wadagni to power in Bénin has brought a fresh perspective. Wadagni notably chose Niger as his first international visit after his inauguration, preceding trips to Burkina Faso and Mali.
“They [Bassirou Diomaye Faye and Romuald Wadagni] are in a much better position than their predecessors [Alassane Ouattara, Patrice Talon, Macky Sall], who faced strong accusations. There’s also a new team set to take office at ECOWAS headquarters in Abuja, which will implement a program less constrained than the previous one,” Pape Ibrahima Kane observed.
Sahanine Mahamadou, a special advisor to Mohamed Bazoum, responsible for NGOs and the customary, religious, social, and humanitarian affairs unit, maintains that ECOWAS has consistently sought dialogue with Niger.
“It has always been the military who resisted dialogue. If these individuals are truly patriots, they must create avenues for civilians to return to power, because the world has evolved; it is no longer feasible for the military to govern our states.”
Through these remarks, Sahanine Mahamadou implicitly expresses a desire for Mohamed Bazoum’s return to leadership. The deposed Nigerien president has yet to sign his letter of resignation. Last March, a European Parliament resolution overwhelmingly condemned the detention of Mohamed Bazoum and his wife, calling for their immediate release. This non-binding text provoked strong indignation from Niamey, which denounced it as interference and paternalism.
The fate of Mohamed Bazoum and EU engagement
For Jérôme Pigné, president and founder of the Strategic Reflection Network on Sahel Security, a critical question arises: how can the EU uphold its values with Niger while simultaneously maintaining diplomatic engagement with Niamey?
“Evidently, the illegal detention of President Mohamed Bazoum is a significant hurdle for the European Union when it seeks to engage with Niger. But broadly, Europeans must decide what they truly want. Is it to compromise their principles in the name of realpolitik? It’s a delicate balancing act, and as of now, no one has found a definitive solution.”
Jérôme Pigné emphasized Niger’s historical partnership with the EU. The European Union, he noted, is currently “rethinking its cooperation framework with Niger, as well as with its neighbors.” He affirmed that “dialogue is essential, and it exists.”
In a study published last March, the German Institute for International and Security Affairs (SWP), based in Berlin, recommended that “Europe should offer comprehensive support to the current military regimes to stabilize their countries.”
This European support could encompass enhanced military and security cooperation, including “the provision of intelligence, military equipment, and investments in security force training.”
The SWP also suggested that the EU could contribute to improving the economic situation in Niger and other Sahelian nations. It urged continued political dialogue with regional political and social stakeholders, while cautioning that “Europe should not expect to alter the behavior of the juntas directly.”



